Chaps. 7-16.
Chap. 7.—The Decuries of the Judges.
Rings, as soon as they began to be commonly worn, distinguished the second order from the plebeians, in the same manner as the use of the tunic [The laticlave tunic. See B. viii. c. 73, and B. ix. c. 63.] distinguished the senate from those who only wore the ring. Still, however, this last distinction was introduced at a later period only, and we find it stated by writers that the public heralds [“Præcones.”] even were formerly in the habit of wearing the tunic with the purple laticlave; the father of Lucius Ælius Stilo, [See the list of writers at the end of B. ix.] for instance, from whom his son received the cognomen of “Præconinus,” in consequence of his father’s occupation as a herald. But the use of rings, no doubt, was the distinguishing mark of a third and intermediate order, between the plebeians and the senators; and the title of “eques,” originally derived from the possession of a war-horse, [“Equus militaris.”] is given at the present day as an indication of a certain amount of income. This, however, is of comparatively recent introduction; for when the late Emperor Augustus made his regulations for the decuries, [See B. xxix. c. 8. The “Decuriæ” of “judices,” or “judges,” were so called, probably, from ten (decem) having been originally chosen from each tribe. As to the Decuriæ of the judices, see Smith’s Dict. Antiq. pp. 531-2. The account given by Pliny is confused in the extreme.] the greater part of the members thereof were persons who wore iron rings, and these bore the name, not of “equites,” but of “judices,” the former name being reserved solely for the members of the squadrons [“Turmæ.” Squadrons of thirty “equites” or horsemen; ten of which squadrons were attached to each legion.] furnished with war-horses at the public charge.
Of these judices, too, there were at first but four [Before the time of Augustus, there were but three decuries.] decuries only, and in each of these decuries there was hardly one thousand men to be found, the provinces not having been hitherto admitted to the office; an observance which is still in force at the present day, no one newly admitted to the rights of citizenship being allowed to perform the duties of judex as a member of the decuries.
(2.) These decuries, too, were themselves distinguished by several denominations—“tribunes [A law introduced by Aurelius Cotta, B.C. 70, enacted that the Judices should be chosen from the three classes—of Senators, Equites, and Tribuni ærarii, or Tribunes of the treasury, these last being taken from the body of the people, and being persons possessed of some property.] of the treasury,” “selecti,” [Members selected by lot.] and “judices:” in addition to whom, there were the persons styled the “nine hundred,” [“Nongenti.”] chosen from all the decuries for the purpose of keeping the voting-boxes at the comitia. From the ambitious adoption, however, of some one of these names, great divisions ensued in this order, one person styling himself a member of the nine hundred, another one of the selecti, and a third a tribune of the treasury.
Chap. 8.—Particulars Connected with the Equestrian Order.
At length, however, in the ninth [Tacitus says that this took place the year before, in the consulship of C. Sulpicius, and D. Haterius. See the Annales, B. iii. c. 86.] year of the reign of the Emperor Tiberius, the equestrian order was united in a single body; and a decree was passed, establishing to whom belonged the right of wearing the ring, in the consulship of C. Asinius Pollio and C. Antistius Vetus, the year from the foundation of the City, 775. It is a matter for surprise, how almost futile, we may say, was the cause which led to this change. C. Sulpicius Galba, [Brother of the Emperor Galba.] desirous in his youth to establish his credit with the Emperor by hunting [“Aucupatus.”] out grounds for prosecuting [Suetonius says that Tiberius instructed the ædiles to prohibit stews and eating-houses: from which we may conclude, Hardouin says, that C. Sulpicius Galba was an ædile.] the keepers of victualling-houses, made complaint in the senate that the proprietors of those places were in the habit of protecting themselves from the consequences of their guilt by their plea of wearing the golden ring. [Or, in other words, belonging to the equestrian order. The Roman equites often followed the pursuits of bankers, and farmers of the public revenues.] For this reason, an ordinance was made that no person whatsoever should have this right of wearing the ring, unless, freeborn himself as regarded his father and paternal grandfather, he should be assessed by the censors at four hundred thousand sesterces, and entitled, under the Julian Law, [A law passed in the time of Julius Cæsar, B.C. 69, which permitted Roman equites, in case they or their parents had ever had a Census equestris, to sit in the fourteen rows fixed by the Lex Roscia Theatralis.] to sit in the fourteen tiers of seats at the theatre. In later times, however, people began to apply in whole crowds for this mark of rank; and in consequence of the diversities of opinion which were occasioned thereby, the Emperor Caius [Caligula.] added a fifth decury to the number. Indeed to such a pitch has conceit now arisen, that whereas, under the late Emperor Augustus, the decuries could not be completed, at the present day they will not suffice to receive all the members of the equestrian order, and we see in every quarter persons even who have been but just liberated from slavery, making a leap all at once to the distinction of the golden ring: a thing that never used to happen in former days, as it was by the ring of iron that the equites and the judices were then to be recognized.
Indeed, so promiscuously was this privilege at last conferred, that Flavius Proculus, one of the equites, informed against four hundred persons on this ground, before the Emperor Claudius, who was then censor: [Conjointly with L. Vitellius.] and thus we see, an order, which was established as a mark of distinction from other private individuals of free birth, has been shared in common with slaves!
The Gracchi were the first to attach to this order the separate appellation of “judices,” their object being at the same moment a seditious popularity and the humiliation of the senate. After the fall of these men, in consequence of the varying results of seditious movements, the name and influence of the equestrian order were lost, and became merged in those of the publicani, [Or farmers of the public revenues; the “publicans” of Scripture. In reality, they were mostly members of the equestrian order, and the words “equites” and “publicani” are often used as synonymous.] who, for some time, were the men that constituted the third class in the state. At last, however, Marcus Cicero, during his consulship, and at the period of the Catilinarian troubles, re-established the equestrian name, it being his vaunt that he himself had sprung from that order, and he, by certain acts of popularity peculiar to himself, having conciliated its support. Since that period, it is very clear that the equites have formed the third body in the state, and the name of the equestrian order has been added to the formula—“The Senate and People of Rome.” Hence [“This passage seems to be the addition of some ignorant copyist. It is indeed a remarkable fact, that we have no inscription in which we see the Equites named after the people as well as the Senate.”—Laboulaye, Essai sur les lois Criminelles des Romains: Paris, 1845, p. 224.] it is, too, that at the present day even, the name of this order is written after that of the people, it being the one that was the last instituted.
Chap. 9.—How Often the Name of the Equestrian Order Has Been Changed.
Indeed, the name itself of the equites even, has been frequently changed, and that too, in the case of those who only owed their name to the fact of their service on horseback. Under Romulus and the other kings, the equites were known as “Celeres,” [According to Livy, B. i. c. 15, the Celeres were three hundred Roman knights whom Romulus established as a body-guard. Their name, probably, was derived from the Greek κέλης, a “war-horse,” or “charger,” and the body consisted, no doubt, of the patricians in general, or such of them as could keep horses. Another origin assigned to the appellation is “Celer,” the name of a chieftain, who was a favourite of Romulus. The adjective “celer,” “swift,” owes its origin, probably, to the title of these horsemen.] then again as “Flexuntes,” [A title derived, possibly, as Delafosse suggests, “a flectendis habenis,” from “managing the reins.”] and after that as “Trossuli,” [Called “Trossum” or “Trossulum,” it is supposed. The remains of a town are still to be seen at Trosso, two miles from Montefiascone in Tuscany. The Greek word τρωξαλλὶς, a “cricket,” and the Latin “torosulus,” “muscular,” have been suggested as the origin of this name. Ajasson suggests the Latin verb “truso,” to “push on,” as its origin.] from the fact of their having taken a certain town of Etruria, situate nine miles on this side of Volsinii, without any assistance from the infantry; a name too which survived till after the death of C. Gracchus.
At all events, in the writings left by Junius, who, from his affection for C. Gracchus, took the name of Gracchanus, [See the of this Book.] we find the following words—“As regards the equestrian order, its members were formerly called ‘Trossuli,’ but at the present day they have the name of ‘Equites;’ because it is not understood what the appellation ‘Trossuli’ really means, and many feel ashamed at being called by that name.” [From the ambiguous nature of the name, it being in later times an expression of contempt, like our word “fop,” or “beau.” In this latter sense, Salmasius derives it from the Greek τρυσσὸς, “effeminate.”] —He [This concluding passage is omitted in most editions.] then goes on to explain the reason, as above mentioned, and adds that, though much against their will, those persons are still called “Trossuli.”
Chap. 10.—Gifts for Military Services, in Gold and Silver.
There are also some other distinctions connected with gold, the mention of which ought not to be omitted. Our ancestors, for instance, presented torcs [See B. vii. c. 29.] of gold to the auxiliaries and foreign troops, while to Roman citizens they only granted silver [Dionysius of Halicarnassus is therefore probably wrong in his assertion that torcs of gold were given to Siccius Dentatus, a Roman citizen, as the reward of valour.] ones: bracelets [See B. vii, c. 29.] too, were given by them to citizens, but never to foreigners.
Chap. 11.—At What Period the First Crown of Gold Was Presented.
But, a thing that is more surprising still, crowns [On this subject, see B. xvi. c. 3, and B. xxi. c. i.] of gold were given to the citizens as well. As to the person who was first presented with one, so far as I have enquired, I have not been able to ascertain his name: L. Piso says, however, that the Dictator [A.U.C. 323, or 431 B.C.] A. Posthumius was the first who conferred one: on taking the camp of the Latins at Lake Regillus, [Situate about fourteen miles from Rome, and on the road to the town called La Colonna.] he gave a crown of gold, made from the spoil, to the soldier whose valour had mainly contributed to this success. L. Lentulus, also, when consul, [A.U.C. 479, and B.C. 275. In the following year Merenda himself was consul, with Manius Curius Dentatus.] presented one to Servius Cornelius Merenda, on taking a town of the Samnites; but in his case it was five pounds in weight. Piso Frugi, too, presented his son with a golden crown, at his own private expense, making [“Testamento prælegavit.” Properly speaking, “prælegare” was “to bequeath a thing to be given before the inheritance was divided.” The crown thus left by Piso was to be three pounds in weight.] it a specific legacy in his will.
Chap. 12. (3.)—Other Uses Made of Gold, by Females.
To honour the gods at their sacrifices, no greater mark of honour has been thought of than to gild the horns of the animals sacrificed—that is, of the larger victims [Oxen, namely. The smaller victims had the head encircled with chaplets.] only. But in warfare, this species of luxury made such rapid advances, that in the Epistles of M. Brutus from the Plains of Philippi, we find expressions of indignation at the fibulæ [The clasps by which the “sagum” or military cloak was fastened on the shoulders.] of gold that were worn by the tribunes. Yes, so it is, by Hercules! and yet you, the same Brutus, have not said a word about women wearing gold upon their feet; while we, on the other hand, charge him with criminality [See the beginning of Chapter of the present Book.] who was the first to confer dignity upon gold by wearing the ring. Let men even, at the present day, wear gold upon the arms in form of bracelets—known as “dardania,” because the practice first originated in Dardania, and called “viriolæ” in the language of the Celts, “viriæ” [Isidorus Hispalensis, Orig. B. xix. c. 30, says that bracelets were formerly so called from the circumstance of being conferred on warriors as the reward of bravery—“ob virtutem.” Scævola, Ulpian, and others speak of “viriolæ” as ornaments worn by females.] in that of Celtiberia, let women wear gold upon their arms [See B. xxxvii. c..] and all their fingers, their necks, their ears, the tresses of their hair; let chains of gold run meandering along their sides; and in the still hours of the night let sachets filled with pearls hang suspended from the necks of their mistresses, all bedizened with gold, so that in their very sleep even they may still retain the consciousness that they are the possessors of such gems: but are they to cover their feet [In allusion to the use of gold as an ornament for the shoes and sandal-ties.] as well with gold, and so, between the stola [A dress worn over the tunic, and which came as low as the ankles or feet. The stola was the characteristic dress of the Roman matrons of rank; other females being restricted to the use of the toga, which did not reach so low.] of the matrons and the garb of the plebeians, establish an intermediate [Between the matrons of rank whose feet were not to be seen at all, and the plebeian females, whose feet were seen, but comparatively unadorned.] or equestrian [In the same way that the gold ring was the distinguishing mark of the Equites, so would the gold ankle-jewels be the characteristic of this new order of females. In the use of the word “Equestrem,” Ajasson absolutely detects an indelicate allusion, and rallies our author on thus retaining “the aroma of the camp!”] order of females? Much more becomingly do we accord this distinction to our pages, [“Pædagogiis.” The origin of our word “page.” The pages of the Romans were decorated with gold ankle-jewels and other ornaments for the legs.] and the adorned beauty of these youths has quite changed the features of our public baths.
At the present day, too, a fashion has been introduced among the men even, of wearing effigies upon their fingers representing Harpocrates [Or Horus, the god of silence. Ajasson is of opinion that this impression on the seal was symbolical of the secrecy which ought to be preserved as to written communications.] and other divinities of Egypt. In the reign of Claudius, also, there was introduced another unusual distinction, in the case of those to whom was granted the right of free admission, [To the Emperor’s presence.] that, namely, of wearing the likeness of the emperor engraved in gold upon a ring: a circumstance that gave rise to vast numbers of informations, until the timely elevation of the Emperor Vespasianus rendered them impossible, by proclaiming that the right of admission to the emperor belonged equally to all. Let these particulars suffice on the subject of golden rings and the use of them.
Chap. 13.—Coins of Gold. At What Periods Copper, Gold, and Silver Were First Impressed. How Copper Was Used Before Gold and Silver Were Coined. What Was the Largest Sum of Money Possessed by Any One at the Time of Our First Census. How Often, and at What Periods, the Value of Copper and of Coined Money Has Been Changed.
The next [The first crime having been committed by him who introduced the use of gold rings. See the beginning of c. of this Book.] crime committed against the welfare of mankind was on the part of him who was the first to coin a denarius [The golden denarius was known also as the “aureus” or “gold coin.” It was worth 25 silver denarii. As to the modern value of the money used by the ancients, see the Introduction to Vol. III. The golden denarius is mentioned also in B. xxxiv. c., and in B. xxxvii. c..] of gold, a crime the author of which is equally unknown. The Roman people made no use of impressed silver even before the period of the defeat [A.U.C. 479.] of King Pyrrhus. The “as” of copper weighed exactly one libra; and hence it is that we still use the terms “libella” [Meaning, literally, the “little pound,” in reference to the diminished weight of the “as.”] and “dupondius.” [Meaning “two pounds,” or in other words, “two asses.” See B. xxxiv. c.. As to the weight of the “libra,” or pound, see the Introduction to Vol. III.] Hence it is, too, that fines and penalties are inflicted under the name of “æs grave,” [“Brasse bullion, or in masse.”— Holland.] and that the words still used in keeping accounts are “expensa,” [“Money weighed out,” i.e. “expenses.”] “impendia,” [“Money weighed out for the payment of interest.”] and “dependere.” [“To weigh out money for payment,” i.e. “to pay.”] Hence, too, the word “stipendium,” meaning the pay of the soldiers, which is nothing more than “stipis pondera; [“A weight of money.”] and from the same source those other words, “dispensatores” [“Weighers-out;” meaning “keepers of accounts,” or “paymasters.”] and “libripendes.” [“Weighers-out” of the soldiers’ wages; i.e. “paymasters.”] It is also from this circumstance that in sales of slaves, at the present day even, the formality of using the balance is introduced.
King Servius was the first to make an impress upon copper. Before his time, according to Timæus, at Rome the raw metal only was used. The form of a sheep was the first figure impressed upon money, and to this fact it owes its name, “pecunia.” [From “pecus,” a sheep. See B. xviii. c. 3.] The highest figure at which one man’s property was assessed in the reign of that king was one hundred and twenty thousand asses, and consequently that amount of property was considered the standard of the first class.
Silver was not impressed with a mark until the year of the City 485, the year of the consulship of Q. Ogulnius and C. Fabius, five years before the First Punic War; at which time it was ordained that the value of the denarius should be ten libræ [“Pounds” or “asses.”] of copper, that of the quinarius five libræ, and that of the sestertius two libræ and a half. The weight, however, of the libra of copper was diminished during the First Punic War, the republic not having means to meet its expenditure: in consequence of which, an ordinance was made that the as should in future be struck of two ounces weight. By this contrivance a saving of five-sixths was effected, and the public debt was liquidated. The impression upon these copper coins was a two-faced Janus on one side, and the beak of a ship of war on the other: the triens, [The third of an “as.”] however, and the quadrans, [The fourth of an “as.”] bore the impression of a ship. The quadrans, too, had, previously to this, been called “teruncius,” as being three unciæ [Or ounces; being one-fourth of the “as,” of one “libra” in weight. See Introduction to Vol. III.] in weight. At a later period again, when Hannibal was pressing hard upon Rome, in the dictatorship of Q. Fabius Maximus, asses of one ounce weight were struck, and it was ordained that the value of the denarius should be sixteen asses, that of the quinarius eight asses, and that of the sestertius four asses; by which last reduction of the weight of the as the republic made a clear gain of one half. Still, however, so far as the pay of the soldiers is concerned, one denarius has always been given for every ten asses. The impressions upon the coins of silver were two-horse and four-horse chariots, and hence it is that they received the names of “bigati” and “quadrigati.”
Shortly after, in accordance with the Law of Papirius, asses were coined weighing half an ounce only. Livius Drusus, when [A.U.C. 663.] tribune of the people, alloyed the silver with one-eighth part of copper. The coin that is known at the present day as the “victoriatus,” [The same as the quinarius, one-half of the denarius. In B. xx. c. 100, it is mentioned as a weight. See also the Introduction to Vol. III.] was first struck in accordance with the Clodian Law: before which period, a coin of this name was imported from Illyricum, but was only looked upon as an article of merchandize. The impression upon it is a figure of Victory, and hence its name.
The first golden coin was struck sixty-two years after that of silver, the scruple of gold being valued at twenty sesterces; a computation which gave, according to the value of the sesterce then in use, nine hundred sesterces to each libra of gold. [As, originally, there were 288 “scripula,” or scruples, to the “libra” or pound, this would appear to give 5760 sestertii to the pound of gold, and not 900 merely. Though this apparent discrepancy has generally puzzled the commentators, the solution, as suggested by M. Parisot, in the Notes to Ajasson’s Translation, appears equally simple and satisfactory. He suggests that in the “as,” or “libra,” of two ounces, there were 288 scruples. Now, the scruple remaining the same, when the as or libra was reduced to one ounce, it would contain but 144 of these scruples. Then, on making the as the sixteenth part of a denarius instead of the tenth, it would lose three-eighths of its value in scruples, or in other words, 54 scruples, thus making it worth but 90 scruples. Then again, as above stated, by the Papirian Law, the weight or value of the libra or as was reduced one-half, making its value in scruples only 45; or, in other words, five thirty-seconds of its original value, when worth two unciæ or ounces. This number of scruples to the libra would give, at the rate of twenty sesterces to the scruple of gold, exactly 900 sesterces to the libra of gold.] In later times, again, an ordinance was made, that denarii of gold should be struck, at the rate of forty denarii [Or “aurei.”] to each libra of gold; after which period, the emperors gradually curtailed the weight of the golden denarius, until at last, in the reign of Nero, it was coined at the rate of forty-five to the libra.
Chap. 14.—Considerations on Man’s Cupidity for Gold.
But the invention of money opened a new field to human avarice, by giving rise to usury and the practice of lending money at interest, while the owner passes a life of idleness: and it was with no slow advances that, not mere avarice only, but a perfect hunger [“Fames auri.” Similar to the words of Virgil, “Auri sacra fames.” “The curst greed for gold.” See Note to Chapter 3 of this Book.] for gold became inflamed with a sort of rage for acquiring: to such a degree, in fact, that Septimuleius, the familiar friend of Caius Gracchus, not only cut off his head, upon which a price had been set of its weight in gold, but, before [Another version of this story was, that he extracted the brain, and inserted lead in its place.] bringing it to Opimius, [See B. xiv. c. 16.] poured molten lead into the mouth, and so not only was guilty of the crime of parricide, but added to his criminality by cheating the state. Nor was it now any individual citizen, but the universal Roman name, that had been rendered infamous by avarice, when King Mithridates caused molten gold to be poured into the mouth of Aquilius [In B.C. 88, M. Aquilius proceeded to Asia Minor as one of the consular legati to prosecute the war against Mithridates. On being defeated near Protomachium, he was delivered up to Mithridates by the inhabitants of Mytilene, and after being treated in the most barbarous manner, was put to death by pouring molten gold down his throat.] the Roman general, whom he had taken prisoner: such were the results of cupidity.
One cannot but feel ashamed, on looking at those new-fangled names which are invented every now and then, from the Greek language, by which to designate vessels of silver filagreed [“Insperso.” Sillig is of opinion that Pliny is here speaking of the work now known by Italian artists as tausia or lavoro all’ agemina.] or inlaid with gold, and the various other practices by which such articles of luxury, when only gilded, [Hardouin thinks that Pliny is here making allusion to the Greek word “chrysendeta,” vessels “encircled with gold.” It is frequently used in Martial’s works.] are made to sell at a higher price than they would have done if made of solid gold: and this, too, when we know that Spartacus [See B. xv. c. 38.] forbade any one of his followers to introduce either gold or silver into the camp—so much more nobleness of mind was there in those days, even in our runaway slaves.
The orator Messala has informed us that Antonius the triumvir made use of golden vessels when satisfying the most humiliating wants of nature, a piece of criminality that would have reflected disgrace upon Cleopatra even! Till then, the most consummate instances of a similar licentiousness had been found among strangers only—that of King Philip, namely, who was in the habit of sleeping with a golden goblet placed beneath his pillows, and that of Hagnon of Teos, a commander under Alexander the Great, who used to fasten the soles of his sandals with nails of gold. [It is against such practices as these that Martial inveighs, B. i. Ep. 28, and B. ix. Ep. 12.] It was reserved for Antonius to be the only one thus to impart a certain utility to gold, by putting an insult upon Nature. Oh how righteously would he himself have been proscribed! but then the proscription should have been made by Spartacus. [A slave only; and not by any of his brother patricians. Antony was rendered infamous by his proscriptions.]
Chap. 15.—The Persons Who Have Possessed the Greatest Quantity of Gold and Silver.
For my own part, I am much surprised that the Roman people has always imposed upon conquered nations a tribute in silver, and not in gold; Carthage, for instance, from which, upon its conquest under Hannibal, a ransom was exacted in the shape of a yearly [Appian and Livy mention the fine as consisting of ten thousand talents in all, or in other words, eight hundred thousand pounds of silver (at eighty pounds to the talent). Sillig is therefore of opinion that Pliny is in error here in inserting the word “annua.” The payment of the ten thousand talents, we learn from the same authorities, was spread over fifty years.] payment, for fifty years, of eight hundred thousand pounds’ weight of silver, but no gold. And yet it does not appear that this could have arisen from there being so little gold then in use throughout the world. Midas and Crœsus, before this, had possessed gold to an endless amount: Cyrus, already, on his conquest of Asia, [Asia Minor.] had found a booty consisting of twenty-four thousand pounds’ weight of gold, in addition to vessels and other articles of wrought gold, as well as leaves [“Folia.” Hardouin prefers the reading “solia,” meaning “thrones,” or “chairs of state,” probably.] of trees, a plane-tree, and a vine, all made of that metal.
It was through this conquest too, that he carried off five hundred thousand [Ajasson refuses to place credit in this statement.] talents of silver, as well as the vase of Semiramis, [This vase of Semiramis was her drinking bowl, in much the same sense that the great cannon at Dover was Queen Elizabeth’s “pocket pistol.”] the weight of which alone amounted to fifteen talents, the Egyptian talent being equal, according to Varro, to eighty of our pounds. Before this time too, Saulaces, the descendant of Æëtes, had reigned in Colchis, [The country to which, in previous times, the Argonauts had sailed in quest of the Golden Fleece, or in other words in search of gold, in which those regions were probably very prolific.] who, on finding a tract of virgin earth, in the country of the Suani, [See B. vi. c. 4.] extracted from it a large amount of gold and silver, it is said, and whose kingdom besides, had been famed for the possession of the Golden Fleece. The golden arches, too, of his palace, we find spoken of, the silver supports and columns, and pilasters, all of which he had come into possession of on the conquest of Sesostris, [This story of the defeat of the great Ramses-Sesostris by a petty king of Colchis, would almost appear apocryphal. It is not improbable, however, that Sesostris, when on his Thracian expedition, may have received a repulse on penetrating further north, accustomed as his troops must have been, to a warmer climate.] king of Egypt; a monarch so haughty, that every year, it is said, it was his practice to select one of his vassal kings by lot, and yoking him to his car, celebrate his triumph afresh.
Chap. 16.—At What Period Silver First Made Its Appearance Upon the Arena and Upon the Stage.
We, too, have done things that posterity may probably look upon as fabulous. Cæsar, who was afterwards dictator, but at that time ædile, was the first person, on the occasion of the funeral games in honour of his father, to employ all the apparatus of the arena [Of the amphitheatre.] in silver; and it was on the same occasion that for the first time criminals encountered wild beasts with implements of silver, a practice imitated at the present day in our municipal towns even.
At the games celebrated by C. Antonius the stage was made of [Covered, probably, with plates of silver.] silver; and the same was the case at those celebrated by L. Muræna. The Emperor Caius had a scaffold [“Pegma.” A scaffold with storeys, which were raised or depressed, to all appearance, spontaneously. Caligula is the emperor meant.] introduced into the Circus, upon which there were one hundred and twenty-four thousand pounds’ weight of silver. His successor Claudius, on the occasion of his triumph over Britain, announced by the inscriptions that among the coronets of gold, there was one weighing seven thousand [Another reading is “seven” pounds in weight, and “nine” pounds; which would appear to be more probable than seven thousand, and nine thousand, as given by the Bamberg MS. It is just possible, however, that the latter may have been the united weights of all the coronets contributed by Spain and Gaul respectively, the word “inter” being an interpolation.] pounds’ weight, contributed by Nearer Spain, and another of nine thousand pounds, presented by Gallia Comata. [See B. iv. c. 31, B. xi. c. 47, and B. xviii. c. 20.] Nero, who succeeded him, covered the Theatre of Pompeius with gold for one day, [Hence known as the “Golden Day,” according to Dion Cassius, B. lxiii.] the occasion on which he displayed it to Tiridates, king of Armenia. And yet how small was this theatre in comparison with that Golden Palace [For further particulars as to the Golden Palace, see B. xxxvi. c..] of his, with which he environed our city.